U počеtku šеzdеsеtih godina XIX vеka u Bеograd su sе vratili mnogi mladi ljudi sa solidnom sprеmom, sa svojih studija u Bеrlinu, Hajdеlbеrgu i Parizu i, prеma svojim sposobnostima, zauzеli su izvеsnе položajе u državnoj službi. Izuzimajući nеznatan broj mladih dеvojaka, kojе su nеšto višе znanja dobilе u privatnim zavodima Langovicе i Špacеkovicе, ostali žеnski svеt jеdva jе raspolagao еlеmеntarnim znanjеm osnovnih škola.
U to doba ministar prosvеtе bio jе Kosta Cukić, čovеk širih poglеda, agilan i rеformatorskog duha. Primitivno stanjе tadašnjеg žеnskog svеta u intеlеktualnom poglеdu nijе mu bilo nеpoznato i on jе ozbiljno počеo da sе nosi mišlju da žеnski svеt koliko toliko približi po obrazovanju muškarcima. Tako jе došao na misao da sе u Bеogradu otvori jеdan viši dеvojački zavod, u komе bi žеnski svеt došao do stručnijе sprеmе.
I tako počеtkom šеzdеsеtih godina ministar Kosta Cukić priđе ka ostvarеnju svojе misli osnivanjеm Višе žеnskе školе. Zahvaljujući podršci kneza Mihaila i saradnjom sa drugim ličnostima, poput Ljubomira Nenadovića, Cukić je izdejstvovao donođenje Zakona o osnivanju škole, koja počinje sa radom u septembru 1863. godine. Osnovni cilj školе bio jе da sе dеvojkama omogući višе opštе obrazovanjе i da sе obеzbеdе školovanе učitеljicе za žеnskе osnovnе školе.
To bi bila jеdna vrsta žеnskе gimnazijе. Jеdna slučajnost bеšе mu dobro došla. U to vrеmе, jеdna mlada dеvojka, ćеrka pukovnika Jovana Đorđеvića – koji jе bio komandant bеogradskog garnizona za vrеmе bombardovanja i koji jе bio poznat pod popularnim nadimkom ‚Joca Švaba‛ – bеšе sе vratila sa svog školovanja iz Rusijе. To jе bilo poznato i ministru Cukiću, tе sе rеši da joj povеri upravu tog prvog višеg žеnskog prosvеtnog zavoda. koji jе naumio da ostvari.
Učеnicе Višе žеnskе školе u Bеogradu oko 1890. sa profеsorom i upravitеljеm školе Milkom Svеt. Vulović (Istorijski arhiv Beograda)
Kad jе bilo objavljеno otvaranjе višеg žеnskog zavoda i poziv za upisivanjе učеnica u taj zavod, u Bеogradu sе bеšе podigla čitava rеvolucija, vеćina tadašnjih majki jе nеgodovalo, osuđivala jе postupak ministra Cukića i uzdržavala sе da dā svojе kćеri u taj zavod. Bilo jе slučajеva da jе ponеka ‚staromoralna majka‛ zadržavala ministra Cukića na ulici i oslovljavala ga prеkorno: ‚Zaboga, gospodinе, što vam pada na pamеt da našе kćеri postanu sokakušе i da samе čеtiri puta na dan jurе ulicama! Ja vam sе zaklinjеm da mojoj dеvojci nеću dozvoliti da budе učеnica tе vašе žеnskе školе‛. Na ovakvе napadе Cukić bi sе samo nasmеšio, ili bi odgovorio: ‚Evo viditе, ja sam svoju najstariju kćеrku Anku upisao kao prvu učеnicu Višе žеnskе školе, i nе bojim sе da ćе ona postati sokakuša‛
I tako porеd svih protеsta i nеgodovanja godinе 1863. bio jе otvorеn prvi viši žеnski zavod.
Videti: Vladislav St. Kaćanski, Stari izglеd Bеograda, Srpska knjižеvna zadruga, Bеograd, 2008, 127-132.
Na fotografiji: Učеnicе Višе žеnskе školе u Bеogradu oko 1890. sa profеsorom i upravitеljеm školе Milkom Svеt. Vulović (Istorijski arhiv Bеograda)
Jugoslovenska žena u politici i društvu između dva svetska rata u digitalnoj kolekciji dnevnog lista Politika
Politika, 17. maj 1928.
Piše: Slobodan Mandić
Za celovito sagledavanje pitanja položaja jugoslovenske žene u politici i društvu između dva svetska rata veoma važnu vrstu istorijskog izvora predstavlja i pisanje i izveštavanje štampe iz tog perioda. Dnevni list Politika jedan je od najznačajnijih dnevnih listova na Balkanu, izlazio je u kontinuitetu od 1904. godine (izuzev u periodu Prvog i Drugog svetskog rata) i sa te strane predstavlja nezaobilaznu građu za proučavanje istorije i kulture Srbije i Balkana 20. veka.
Na Internet prezentaciji Narodne biblioteke Srbije istraživačima stoji na raspolaganju digitalizovana kolekcija dnevnog lista Politika za period od 1904. do 1941. godine.[1] Zahvaljujući mogućnosti relativno lake navigacije kroz tekstove, nakon prelistavanja svih brojeva Politike u naznačenom periodu, iskristalisalo se nekoliko tema, od kojih smo se za potrebe ovoga rada odlučili za sledeće: ženska društva, uspon feminizma, regionalna ženska saradnja i borba za pravo glasa.
Međuratni period u Kraljevini SHS (Jugoslaviji) obeležila je, uz ostale promene, i borba za afirmaciju žene u javnim poslovima i za njenu emancipaciju. Posle Prvog svetskog rata, „žensko pitanje“ je, upravo u tom pravcu, znatno dobilo na težini. U promenjenim prilikama i žene su tražile novu ulogu. One tih godina zahtevaju pravo glasa, građansku jednakost i jednako pravo nasleđa.
Ženska društva
Tokom Prvog svetskog rata, žena je, u svetskim okvirima, pokazala „neslućen višak energije, svesti i sposobnosti, žilavosti i umešnosti“, upravo svih onih odricanih joj sposobnosti. Ohrabrene svojim ratnim angažmanom, žene, u međuratnom periodu, pored angažovanja u humanitarnim društvima, počinju da se angažuju i u nizu novoosnovanih feminističkih udruženja, poput Alijanse feminističkih društava u državi SHS, Udruženja studentkinja Beogradskog univerziteta, Ženske Male Antante, Lige žena za mir i slobodu, Ženske stranke, Udruženja univerzitetski obrazovanih žena…To su, po stepenu organizovanosti, prvi odlučniji koraci ka suštinskim ciljevima borbe za ravnopravnost, borbe na duge staze i sa promenljivim rezultatima.[2]
U septembru 1919. godine osnovan je Narodni ženski savez SHS. Njegovi osnovni zadaci bili su opšte prosvećivanje naroda i, pre svega, izjednačavanje žena i muškaraca. Na kogresu jugoslovenskih žena, koji je u Beogradu okupio predstavnice svih ženskih društava u zemlji, govorilo se o prosvećivanju naroda, o feminističkom pitanju i o prostituciji. Iako su se sve učesnice kongresa složile da je neophodno narod vaspitati i naučiti pismenosti, oko načina na postizanju ovog zadatka nije bilo saglasnosti. Dok su jedne bile mišljenja da se mora poći u narod i zadatku opšteg vaspitanja pristupiti na osnovi dobrotvornog rada, druge učesnice su zastupale suprotno mišljenje, da se samo silom, autoritetom državne vlasti i zakona može doći do povoljnih rezultata. Takođe, traženo je i apsolutno izjednačavanje prava žena sa pravima muškaraca jer, kako je istaknuto: „čovek nema nikakvih viših moralnih kvalifikacija od žene, tako da je njenu potčinjenost mogao da ozakoni samo čovečji konzervativni duh.“ Građanska jednakost, pravo glasa i pravo nasleđa bile su tri stvari koje bi ženu podigle na visinu čoveka i učinile da se iz svih zakone istisnu oni sramni paragrafi koji uvek ponižavaju ženu, a izjednačavaju je sa čovekom samo u pogledu krivice, zločina ili kazne.[3]
Na polju prosvećivanja žene angažovale su se članice Društva za prosvećivanje žene i zaštitu njenih prava, okupljene oko Ženskog kluba, koji je svečano otvoren januara 1922. godine u Beogradu. Među brojnim aktivnostima koje su organizovale članice ovog udruženja bilo je i organizovanje analfabetskog kursa, za koji se prijavilo toliko žena, da ih je bilo nemoguće sve u jedan mah primiti. Ovakve akcije bile su dokaz o postojanju svesti kod jugoslovenskih žena o potrebi duhovnog prosvećivanja kao osnovnog preduslova za uspešno ostvarenje svojih prava. Takođe, Društvo je održalo i nekoliko kurseva na kojima su se poučavale seoske majke kako da neguju i da vaspitaju svoju decu.[4]
Uprkos proklamovanom načelu o neophodnosti jedinstvenog delovanja među ženskim udruženjima, povremeno je dolazilo i do razmimoilaženja, pa i do otvorenih sukoba. Meseca oktobra 1926. godine izbio je sukob u centralnim krugovima beogradskih ženskih društava. Ovaj sukob doveo je do rascepa ženskih društava i stvaranja nove ženske organizacije „Narodne ženske zajednice“. Kolo srpskih sestara preuzelo je inicijativu da pokuša sa izmirenjem zavađenih društava i kao rezultat organizovana je zajednička konferencija na kojoj je uzelo učešća četrdeset predstavnica iz preko dvadeset društava. Takođe, marta 1928. godine u štampi su počeli da se pojavljuju članci o radu Ženske stranke, tj. o neradu i razmiricama, koje su se pojavile u glavnom odboru, jedinom u organizaciji za žensko pravo glasa u državi. Ovakvi dogadjaji dali su povoda za satirične napise i zajedljive komentare o aktivnostima ženskih udruženja.
Tako je marta 1928. godine u Politici osvanuo članak Muškost ženske stranke čiji autor iznosi komentar da su sada i žene konačno dokazale da su dorasle muškarcima jer pokazuju toliki smisao za partijsku borbu da se sada i „najogorčeniji partizani u pantalonama osećaju postiđeni prema svojim konkurentkinjama u suknjama“. Ženama se upućuje i „pohvala“ da su odmah po osnivanju svoje stranke u njoj uvele diktaturu i time pokazale ne samo politički smisao već su time pribegle i najsavremenijim metodama politike.[5]
Sa zaoštravanjem međunarodne političke situacije primetno je i dodatno angažovanje jugoslovenskih žena na idejama mira i pacifizma. U Beogradu je marta 1933. godine održana četvrta godišnja skupština Lige žena za mir i slobodu. Na poziv žena iz ove lige mnogi jugoslovenski i strani političari održali su niz predavanja, a teme su uvek bile iz oblasti međunarodne poliike. Jedan od ciljeva Lige bilo je i vaspitanje omladine u duhu mira. Tako su, na primer, dodeljivane mnoge nagrade studentima koji su izradili najbolje teme iz oblasti pacifizma.[6]
Uspon feminizma
Vremenom je učešće žena u svim oblicima i manifestacijama javnog života bivalo sve značajnije i izazivalo je sve veću pažnju. Žena, koja je do tada najčešće pripadala privatnoj sferi, sada, kao i muškarac, počinje da pripada javnoj. S jedne strane, ona počinje da obavlja veći deo poslova koji su, do tada, bili isključiva privilegija muškaraca, a s druge strane, sve sigurnije je počela da se uključuje u društveni život.[7]
Očigledan dokaz ovoj tvrdnji nalazimo u članku Moderna žena koji je izašao na prvoj i drugoj strani Politike januara 1924. godine: „Dok se ljudi našeg doba, filozofi, zanatlije, činovnici, građani, jednom reči mogu porediti sa mudracima ili građanima starog doba, dotle je moderna žena bitno različita od žena svih ranijih istorijskih perioda. (…) ovde nije reč ni o jednoj klasi, ni o jednoj naciji, čak ni o jednoj rasi, već o čitavoj polovini ljudskog roda“[8]
U čitavom međuratnom periodu Politika je ne mali broj puta donosila tekstove koji se tiču nove uloge žene na javnoj sceni. Naročito su zanimljive vesti koje izveštavaju o sukobima i otporima koji su pratili afirmaciju žene. Tako je na zahtev jednog radikalskog poslanika da se žene izbaci iz javne službe, koji je bio iznesen u radikalskom poslaničkom klubu, urednica časopisa Žena i svet, gospođa Jelena Zrnić, uzvratila člankom „Divljak u parlamentu“.[9]
Članice ženskih udruženja organizovale su i svečanosti u čast istaknutih žena i time odavale priznanje ženama koje su uspele da prođu kroz društvene barijere i ostvare značajan uspeh u javnom životu. U čast dr. Ksenije Atanasijević, prve žene profesora na Beogradskom univerzitetu, aprila 1928. godine, održana je svečana akademija u Ženskom pokretu. Tom prilikom je istaknuto da uspeh gospođice Anastasijević nije samo njen lični, već uspeh celokupnog Ženskog pokreta i svih feministkinja sveta.[10]
Regionalna ženska saradnja
Organizacije koje su podržavale regionalnu žensku saradnju i aktivno učestvovale u njoj, bile su pre svega Ženska mala Antanta, Udruženje univerziteteski obrazovanih žena i Ženski savez. One su se kroz konferencije, kongrese i nacionalne tematske večeri upoznavale sa situacijom u svojim državama. Na taj način su dobijale uvid u probleme sa kojima su se susretale u ostvarenju svojih ciljeva i pruzale konkretne korake ka njihovom rešavanju
Ženska Mala Antanta je osnovana u Rimu prilikom internacionalnog feminističkog pokreta i obuhvatala je sve zemlje istočne Evrope, sem Rusije: Poljsku, Čehoslovačku, Rumuniju, Bugarsku, Grčku i Jugoslaviju. Osnovno načelo je bilo širenje feminističkih i pacifističkih ideja u širokim slojevima naroda. Bugarska je isključena iz članstva kada je na kursu Lige za mir ženskog medjunarodnog pokreta iznela optužbe na račun Srba, nazivajući ih varvarima i optužujući ih za ugnjetavanje bugarske manjine u Makedoniji, čime su prekršena osnovna načela ove organizacije. Prvi kongres Ženske Male Antante bio je održan u Bukureštu gde su ustanovljena osnovna pravila i ciljevi organizacije: političko oslobadjanje žena sa težnjom da sve feminističke ideje dobiju zakonsko priznanje, zaštita socijalno slabih, rad na trajnom miru i zaštita narodnosnih manjina. Takođe je insistirano na upoznavanju i približavanju naroda i drzava koji sačinjavaju Žensku Malu Antantu kroz razmene studenata, naučne ekskurzije, odašiljanje novinskih članaka i malih studija o najvažnijim pitanjima, konferencije. Najviši politički vrh Rumunije je pozdravio ovaj skup, a premijer Bracan je obećao zalaganje za rad na novom zakonu o opštinama koji bi predviđao žensko pravo glasa u opštinskim samoupravama. Rad je nastavljen i naredne godine na kongresu u Beogradu gde su članice izrazile zadovoljstvo sistemom vaspitanja u Srbiji, a kao glavna pitanja istaknuta su problem veneričnih bolesti, izjednačavanje političkih prava žena i muskaraca i prava bračne i vanbračne dece. Rezolucija koja je usvojena odnosila se na ovaj poslednji problem, istaknuta je dužnost države da istražuje poreklo oca vanbračnog deteta, a doneta je i odluka o osnivanju fonda za vanbračnu decu u koji bi ulazili progresivni porezi koji bi očevi ove dece bili obavezni da plaćaju. Na kongresu je pokrenuto pitanje taktike i agitacije za izvojevanje građanskih i političkih prava žena. Polazna tačka u rešavanju ovog problema bila je razvijanje osećanja građanskih i političkih prava žena. Ka ostvarenju ovog plana išlo se kroz čitanje časopisa, dnevnih listova, knjiga, prisustvo konferencijama, uvođenje predmeta građanskih i političkih prava podanika, propagandu feminističkih ideja, film, agitaciju u političkim partijama i saradnju sa radnicima. Takođe, naglasak je stavljen na očuvanje porodice, razvoj žene, majke, “branitelja ognjišta”. Sledeći izveštaj u štampi, vezan za rad Ženske Male Antante, odnosio se na Kongres u Atini 1925. godine, kome nije poklonjena naročita pažnja, kao i u Varšavi 1929. čiji je rad bio detaljno praćen. Glavne teme ovog kongresa bile su rad na pacifizmu, jednakosti morala i uticaja profesionalnog rada na ženu i majku. Kao primarni zadaci istaknuti su borba protiv prostitucije kroz seksualno vaspitanje dece, podizanje nivoa socijalne samostalnosti žena i uvođenje ženske policije, kao i rešavanje problema abortusa i donošenje antiveneričnog zakona.
Udruženje univerzitetski obrazovanih žena je organizovalo posete rumunskih i bugarskih žena Beogradu. Kao glavnu težnju one su istakle uspostavljanje bratstva i jedinstva i mira medju narodima.
Borba za žensko pravo glasa
Ženska stranka je osnovana 1927. godine radi ostvarenja građanskih i političkih prava i pokretanja akcije u celom narodu. Ona je podnela rezoluciju Narodnoj skupštini u kojoj je zahtevano opšte izborno pravo za žene. U izveštaju Ženske stranke je konstatovano da je žena zapostavljena u svim društvenim strukturuma, kao domaćica, radnica, intelektualka i zahtevana je porodica kao zajednica ravnopravnih po duhu i zakonu.
Izjednačavanje žena i muškaraca je definisano kao demokratsko načelo, a ovaj problem je posmatran kroz prizmu političkog oportunizma i prizmu pravde i demokratske logike. Izgovor za nedavanje političkog prava ženama bio je u njihovoj nesposobnosti i u njihovom stavu da će one doprineti dovođenju do poremećaja odnosa među političkim strankama u korist jačanja ekstremizma. Kao prednost učestvovanja žena u političkom životu navodilo se rešavanje socijalnih pitanja, koja se odnose na porodični život, život žene i deteta, koje bi njihovo prisustvo pokrenulo.
Ustav iz 1931. godine takođe je ostavio zakonodavcu slobodu da rešava pitanje ženskog prava glasa, a zakon o izboru narodnih poslanika je dao pravo izbora samo muškarcima. Po ovom pitanju politička elita je imala različite stavove. Dragoljub Jovanović, predsednik Saveza zemljoradnika, je smatrao da su ženska politička prava aktuelna i neizbežna realnost, te da će njihovim ostvarenjem politika postati sam život. Sa druge strane, Dimitrije Ljotić, predsednik jugoslovenskog udruženja Zbor, je isticao da funkcije čoveka i žene nisu jednake pa im ni prava ne mogu biti jednaka. Oni su ravnopravni samo u moralnom pogledu, a u slučaju davanja političkih prava ženama trebalo bi se ograničiti na one žene koje vrše ulogu muškarca i neophodan je uslov da su udate, jer samo kao takve mogu biti ideali društva. Živko Topalović je smatrao da bi svako ko korisnim radom doprinosi održavanju društva trebalo da ima pravo i da utiče na njega. Učesće u političkom životu je faktor formiranja duhovne i moralne ličnosti, uzdizanja žena i kulturnog napretka cele nacije. On postavlja kao cilj formiranje žene kao svesnog i ozbiljnog građanina, posvećenog javnim poslovima i sposobnog da utiče na sudbinu mira. Žensko političko pravo bi, po njemu, dovelo da razvoja poštovanja među polovima.
Veliki zborovi udruženih žena za izvojevanje prava glasa naročito su bili česti 1935. godine. Jedan od slogana je bio “U borbu za mir, slobodu i napredak”. Najaktivnije učesnice su bile Milena Atanacković koja je isticala da je protivljenje ženskom pravu glasa identično protivljenju demokratskim načelima i Alojzija Štebi koja je za cilj ženske borbe postavila podelu odgovornosti izmedju žena i muškaraca za sudbinu naroda, naglašavala je dvostruku potčinjenost žena: porodici i industriji, kao i nemogućnost borbe za mir bez političkih prava. Ovi zborovi su zahvatili celu Jugoslaviju, pored Beograda, učestvovali su i Zagreb, Skoplje, Spilt, Ljubljana, a žene će morati da se još jedan vremenski period bore za ostvarenje svojih politickih prava.
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Borba za emancipaciju žene, koja je počela još sedamdesetih godina 19. veka, kada se osnivaju prva ženska udruženja, tekla je uz određene uspone i padove, i tokom celog međuratnog perioda. Snažan ženski društveni angažman, radikalno dugačiji i jači u odnosu na period pre Prvog svetskog rata, suštinski je menjao život žene, i u sferi privatnog i u sferi javnog.[11] Digitalna kolekcija dnevnog lista Politika u zadovoljavajućoj meri osvetljava jačinu i intezitet ovih promena i svakako se nameće kao nezaobilazan istorijski izvor za istraživanje problema tzv. „ženskog pitanja“ srpskog, jugoslovenskog i balkanskog društva.
Naročito bi vredelo istaći da je digitalnih kolekcija poput ove u srpskom sajber prostoru još uvek veoma mali broj, stoga ona predstavlja odličan primer kako bi se istorijski izvori na srpskom jeziku mogli učiniti dostupnijim korisnicima širom sveta posredstvom novih tehnologija. Decentralizovanost Interneta i mogućnost prezentacije materijala od najšireg kruga ustanova i pojedinaca omogućava da se reprezentativnost građe proširi i kvantitativno (npr. štampa iz celog sveta) i kvalitativno (npr. privatne kolekcije dokumenata, plakata, zvučni zapisi, dnevnici običnih ljudi, itd). Kao što je nekada mikrofilmovanje dokumenata pogodovalo istoričarevom izlasku iz tradicionalne istorije time što više nije morao satima sedeti u nekom arhivu i mukotrpno prepisivati svaki pojedinačni dokument, ili praviti ispise iz njega, tako mu danas stoje na raspolaganju Internet, CD ROM-ovi, elektroneske baze dokumenata, elektronska pošta, digitalni fotoaparati i drugi produkti informacionog doba.
[1] Digital images of pages of all numbers of the daily newspaper Politika, from the first number, appeared the 12. of January 1904 to the last number before war, dated April 6. 1941. Politika is the only daily newspaper on the Balkans which appears in continuity since 1904 up to today (except periods of the First and Second World War) and it represents the inevitable archives material for the research of the History and Culture of Serbia and the Balkans within the XX Century.The Digital Politika for the period 1904-1941 is available online through the NLS Website and the Website of Politika Newspaper. The Digital Politika for periods 1945-1975 and 1987-2000 is only availble on CDs within NLS reading-rooms.During 2007, the National Library of Serbia will digitised the rest of numbers from 1975 to 1987, therefore the entire Digital POLITIKA from 1904 – 2000 will be available to the users within the National Library of Serbia.The Search of the Collection is possible by years, months and dates of issues. Digital National library of Serbia, Newspapers and magazines, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[2] R. Vučetić-Mladenović, Evropa na Kalemegdanu, Beograd 2003, pp. 111-112.
[3] “Politika”, 24 September 1919, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[4]“Politika”, 20 January 1922, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[5]“Politika”, 1 March 1928, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[6]“Politika”, 21 March 1933, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[7] R. Vučetić, „Žena u gradu. Između rezervata privatnog i osvajanja mesta u javnom životu (1918-1941)“, in: Privatni život kod Srba u dvadesetom veku, (Ed. M. Ristović), Beograd 2007, p. 136.
[8]“Politika”, 9 January 1924, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[10]“Politika”, 6 April 1928, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[11] R. Vučetić, „Žena u gradu. Između rezervata privatnog i osvajanja mesta u javnom životu (1918-1941)“, in: Privatni život kod Srba u dvadesetom veku, (Ed. M. Ristović), Beograd 2007, p. 131.
For the entire perception of the question of situation of Yugoslav women in politics and society between two World Wars, press writing and report from that period represent a very important sort of historical source. Daily newspaper “Politika”, one of the most important daily newspapers on the Balkans, has appeared in continuity since 1904 (except periods of the First and the Second World War) and therefore it represents the inevitable archives material for the research of the history and culture of Serbia and the Balkans within 20th century.
The digital Politika for the period 1904-1941 is since recently been available online through The National Library of Serbia website.[1] Due to the possibility of relatively easy navigation through articles, after reading through all the numbers of Politika for the appointed period, several subjects singled out. In case of this survey, we settled the next four subject matters: female societies, the rise of the feminism, the regional female cooperation and the struggle for the right to vote.
Interwar period in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (the Kingdom of Yugoslavia) was, beside other changes, marked by the struggle for affirmation and recognition of woman in public affairs and for her emancipation. For that reason, after the First World War, the ‘woman question’ became the matter of great importance. Under the altered circumstances, women looked for their new role. In those years they demanded the right to vote, civil equality and the equal right of inheritance.
Female societies
During the First World War women worldwide showed energy, consciousness and capacity, stamina and skillfulness surplus undreamt of i. e. she showed all the abilities she had been denied of. Encouraged by their war engagement, women in interwar period, beside their involvement in humanitarian organizations, began their engagement in a line of newfounded feminist associations such as The Alliance of Feminist Societiesin the State of SCS, The Association of Female Students of Belgrade University, The Feminine Small Entente, The Women’s League for Peace and Freedom, The Women’s Party, The Association of Women with Academic Education… Considering their level of organization, those were the first more decisive steps toward the essential aims of the struggle for equality, a long-term struggle with changeable results.
The National Women’s Alliance in SCS was founded in September 1919. Its main tasks were the general enlightenment of population and, above all, the equalization of male and female. At The Yugoslav Women Congress, which met in Belgrade and where representatives of all female associations were assembled, the main issues were feminist question and prostitution. Although all the participants of the Congress agreed that it was necessary to educate and make people literate, there was no agreement on a way to achieve that task. One side thought that they should go among the people and educate them on the basis of charitable work, the other side had the opposite opinion that the adequate results could be achieved only by force, through the authority of state rule and law. Absolute equalization of the male and female rights was also asked for because, as it was emphasised: a man has no higher moral qualifications than a woman so that her subordination could have been legalized only by man’s conservative sense. Civil equality, the right to vote and the right of inheritance were the three issues which would rise a woman on a man’s height and make all the paragraphs which humiliate women and equalize her with men only in terms of guilt, crime or punishment out of the law.
In the field of women’s enlightenment members of The Society for Women’s Enlightenment and Protection of Her Rights, assembled around the Women’s Club, which was solemnly opened in January 1922 in Belgrade, were engaged. Among numerous activities organized by the members of this society was also the organization of the analphabetic course for which so many women were interested in so that it was impossible for all of them to participate. Such actions were the evidence of necessity of spiritual enlightenment of Yugoslav women as the basic prerequisite for successful realization of their rights. Besides, the society organized several courses where they taught rural women how to raise and educate their children.
In spite of appointed principle of the necessity of unique activity among women societies, there occurred some separations between them sometimes and even open fight. In October 1926 there broke out a conflict in central groups of Belgrade women societies. This conflict led to the split of women societies and foundation of a new women organization The National Female Community. The Circle of Serbian Sister took initiative in trying to reconciliate the quarreled sides and as a result they organized a common conference at which forty representatives from more than twenty associations took part. Besides, in March 1928 articles about Women’s Party work and the conflicts in the main board which was the only state factor in organization for the female right to vote, started to appear in the press. Such events caused satirical headlines and sarcastic comments on activities of women association. For that reason in March 1928 in Politika appeared an article The Manliness of the Women Party whose author gave opinion that women finally proved that they are equally capable as men because they showed such sense for party struggle that the bitterest partisans now feel ashamed in comparison to their competitors in skirts. Women are praised for the dictatorship they took in as soon as they founded their parties and therefore showed not only the political sense but even the use of the most contemporary methods in politics.
“The Manliness of the Women Party” – Women are praised for the dictatorship they took in as soon as they founded their parties. “Politika”, 10 March 1928.[2]
Along with growing tensions in international political situation, there appeared the additional engagement of Yugoslav women in the ideas of peace and pacifism. The fourth annual assembly of The Women League for Peace and Freedom was held in March 1933 in Belgrade. Many Yugoslav and foreign politicians were invited and gave many lectures, and the subjects were always from the international politics field. One of the aims of the League was the education of the youth on pacific basis.
The Women League for Peace and Freedom
The Rise of Feminism
Women participation in every form and manifestation of public life became more frequent and attracted more and more attention. Woman who by that time exclusively belonged to the private sphere now, the same as a man, started to appear in public sphere. On one side, she began to do work which, by that time, was the exclusive privilege of man, and on the other side she started to involve in social life.
Obvious evidence to this assortment we find in the article Modern woman which was released on the 1st and 2nd page of Politika in January 1924: “While men of our times, philosophers, tradesmen, clerks, citizens, in one word could be compared with wise men or citizens of old times, the modern women is essentially different from women of all earlier historical periods. (…) it’s not the class, not the nation, not even the race, but it is about the entire half of mankind”.
During the whole interwar period Politika brought many articles which were related to a new woman role on public scene. Reports about conflicts and resistance which followed the affirmation of women were especially interesting. Therefore, when one radical deputy required that women should be cleared away from public service, the editor of the magazine “Woman and World”, Mrs. Jelena Zrnic answered with article Wild man in the Parliament.
Members of women associations organized feasts in honour of eminent women and in that way gave acknowledgement to women who succeeded to crash the social barriers and achieve significant success in public life. In honour of Dr Ksenija Atanasijevic, the first female professor at the University of Belgrade, in April 1928 there was held a solemn academy in Women Movement. On that occasion it was emphasised that the success of Miss Atanasijevic is not only her individual success, but also the success of the entire Women Movement and all feminists in the world.
The Regional Female Cooperation
The organizations which supported the regional women cooperation and actively took part in it were TheFeminine Small Entente, The Association of Women with Academic Education and the Women Alliance. They introduced themselves with the situation in their countries through conferences, congresses and national thematic events. On that way they acknowledged with problems they met in realization of their aims and undertook precise steps toward their solutions.
The Feminine Small Entente was founded in Rome during the international feminist committee and included all Eastern Europe countries except Russia – Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Bulgaria, Greece and Yugoslavia. The basic principle was spreading of feministic and pacifistic ideas in wide layers of population. Bulgaria was excluded from the membership when she accused Serbs of barbarianism and oppression toward Bulgarian minority in Macedonia, which was the break of the main principles of this organization. The first Congress of the The Feminine Small Entente was held in Bucharest in 1923 where the basic rules and aims of the organization were established: political liberation of women with the aspiration that all feministic ideas should get legal recognition, protection of the socially minor, work on everlasting peace and protection of national minorities. It was also insisted on introduction and bringing closer nations and states which The Feminine Small Entente was consisted of through students` interchange, scientific excursions, emission of newspaper articles and small studies on the most significant questions, conferences. The highest political leadership of Romania greeted this meeting, and the premier Bracan promised intervention in work on a new law of local communities which would contain female right to vote in local self-government. Work was continued in 1924 in Belgrade where the participants showed satisfaction with the Serbian system of education, and as the main issues were considered the problem of venereal infections, the equalization of the political rights of men and women and the rights of legitimate and illegitimate children. Adopted resolution was related to the latter problem, the state was obliged to investigate the origin of the father of the illegitimate child and the decision of the foundation of the fund for illegitimate children was made which would include progressive tax which children’s fathers would be obliged to pay. The Congress initiated the question of the tactics and agitation for the achievement of the civil and political women rights. The development of the sense for the civil and political women rights was planned through reading magazines, books, presence at the conferences, the introduction of the subject of civil and political rights of subordinates, propaganda of feministic ideas, movie, agitation in political parties. The Congress in Athens in 1925 didn’t get any detailed report in press but the work of the Congress in Warsaw in 1929 was intently followed. The main issues were work on pacifism, equalization of morality and the influence of the professional work on a woman and a mother. As primary tasks, there were emphasized the struggle against prostitution through the sexual education of children, rise of social women self-consciousness and the introduction of female police, solving the abortion problem and bringing the anti-venereal law.
The Struggle for the Women’s Right to Vote
The Women Party was founded in 1927 in order to realize civil and political rights and initiate the activity in whole population. It presented the resolution to the National Assembly which requested the general voting right for women for local communities, regions and the National Assembly.
The equalization of men and women was defined as democratic principle. This problem was considered through the prism of political opportunism and the prism of justice and democratic logic. The alibi for non-giving the political rights to women was in their incapability and in attitude that they would contribute to the disorder in relationships among political parties in favour of strengthening of extremism. As the advantage women participation in political life was quoted the solving of social questions related to family life, life of woman and child. The Constitution from 1931 also left the freedom to the lawgiver to solve the question of women’s right to vote, and the law of election of members of Parliament gave the right of election to man only. Only Yugoslav and Bulgarian women were left without political rights even in 1933. The political elite had different opinions concerning this question. Dragoljub Jovanovic, the president of TheAlliance of the agriculturists, considered the female political rights as an actual an inevitable reality and that with their realization politics would become the life itself. Dimitrije Ljotic, the president of the Yugoslav association Zbor, emphasised that male and female functions are different and therefore their rights cannot be the same. They are only equal in moral field and in the case of giving political rights for women they should be limited to those women who play the role of man and necessary condition is to be married because only through this they could represent the ideal of society. Zivko Topalovic considered that who contributed to the maintaining of society by useful work should also right to influence to it. Participation in political life is the factor in forming the spiritual and moral person, ascension of women and cultural progress of whole nation. He sets as a goal the forming of a woman as a conscious and serious citizen dedicated to the public affairs and capable to influence the peace history. Female political right would, in his opinion, bring the development of respect between sexes. The year of 1935 was the year of great assemblies women in struggle for the right to vote. One of the slogans was ‘In struggle for peace, freedom and progress’. The most active participants were Milena Atanackovic, who emphasised that the opposition to the women’s right to vote is identical to democratic principals and Alojzija Stebi, who thought that the goal of women’s struggle was the division of responsibility between women and men for people destiny and marked the double subordination of women: to the family and the industry as well as the impossibility to struggle for peace without political rights. These meetings were held all around Yugoslavia and beside Belgrade they took part in Zagreb, Skoplje, Split, Ljubljana, and the women were about to struggle for realization of their political rights for another future period of time.
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Digital collection of the newspaper Politika successfully lightens the intensity and strength of changes in women life in the sphere of private as well as in the sphere of public life and surely represents inevitable historical source for researching the woman question in Serbian, Yugoslav and Balkans society.
It is a great significance to emphasize there still are few such digital collections in Serbian cyber space and therefore it represents the excellent example of how to make historical sources in Serbia available to the users all over the world by using new technologies. Decentralization of Internet and possibility of presenting material from the widest circle of institutions and individuals allow that presentations of the material could be widen in quantity and in quality. Today, historian can use Internet, CD ROM, electronic basis of documents, electronic post, digital photos and the other products of the informatics’ period in his research.
Bibliography
Online Sources
“Politika (1904-1941)”, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?> (21 November 2007).
Books
R. Vučetić-Mladenović, Evropa na Kalemegdanu, Beograd 2003.
R. Vučetić, „Žena u gradu. Između rezervata privatnog i osvajanja mesta u javnom životu (1918-1941)“, in: Privatni život kod Srba u dvadesetom veku, (Ed. M. Ristović), Beograd 2007.
[1] Digital images of pages of all numbers of the daily newspaper Politika, from the first number, appeared the 12. of January 1904 to the last number before war, dated April 6. 1941. Politika is the only daily newspaper on the Balkans which appears in continuity since 1904 up to today (except periods of the First and Second World War) and it represents the inevitable archives material for the research of the History and Culture of Serbia and the Balkans within the XX Century. The Digital Politika for the period 1904-1941 is available online through the NLS Website and the Website of Politika Newspaper. The Digital Politika for periods 1945-1975 and 1987-2000 is only available on CDs within NLS reading-rooms. During 2007, the National Library of Serbia will digitized the rest of numbers from 1975 to 1987, therefore the entire Digital POLITIKA from 1904 – 2000 will be available to the users within the National Library of Serbia. The Search of the Collection is possible by years, months and dates of issues. Digital National library of Serbia, Newspapers and magazines, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
[2]“Politika (1904-1941)”, in: Newspapers and magazines – Digital National library of Serbia, <http://www.digital.nbs.bg.ac.yu/eng/novine.php?>, (21 November 2007).
